The quest for a National Electoral Offences Commission has become the ultimate mirage in Nigeria’s democratic landscape, appearing closer with every new legislative session, yet receding just as quickly when the time for implementation arrives.
The consensus is near-universal: a specialized agency is the only way to "bite" back against the impunity of vote-buying, ballot-snatching, and the multi-billion naira early campaigns that characterize our political cycles.
However, as of February 2026, the legislative machinery in the 10th National Assembly has once again stalled, leaving the proposed commission in a state of suspended animation while the 2027 countdown begins in earnest.
The primary obstacle holding the commission back is a tactical legislative bundling that borders on sabotage. By merging the Electoral Offences Commission Bill into the wider, more contentious Electoral Act (Repeal and Enactment) Bill 2026, lawmakers have effectively tethered a vital reform to a host of political landmines.
Because this broader bill includes fiercely debated clauses on electronic result transmission and the shifting of election timelines, any disagreement on a single paragraph leads the Senate to "step down" the entire package, as witnessed just days ago on January 31.
This bundling serves as a convenient shield for those who benefit from the current state of impunity; they can claim to support the commission in principle while voting to delay the very bill that would give it life.
Beyond the halls of the National Assembly, a deeper constitutional conflict remains unaddressed. The massive powers of the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) under Section 174 of the 1999 Constitution to take over or discontinue any criminal proceeding create a structural glass ceiling for any independent prosecutor.
Without a constitutional amendment to ring-fence electoral offences from the AGF's "nolle prosequi" discretion, a new commission would essentially be a toothless tiger. This ministerial prerogative ensures that the "leash" remains firmly in the hands of the political class, allowing the chief law officer to stall the process of bringing corrupt officials or high-level election financiers to justice.
Finally, the delay in establishing the commission is less about "studying the bill" and more about an absence of political will to face the consequences of real accountability. A commission with the power to investigate the sources of N27 billion vehicle distributions or the sponsors of electoral violence would be a direct threat to the current architects of Nigerian politics.
Until the Senate unbundles the commission from the broader Electoral Act and grants it true constitutional independence, any talk of electoral reform remains a hollow exercise. Nigeria cannot afford another election cycle governed by laws that bark loudly but have no teeth to bite.
However, as of February 2026, the legislative machinery in the 10th National Assembly has once again stalled, leaving the proposed commission in a state of suspended animation while the 2027 countdown begins in earnest.
The primary obstacle holding the commission back is a tactical legislative bundling that borders on sabotage. By merging the Electoral Offences Commission Bill into the wider, more contentious Electoral Act (Repeal and Enactment) Bill 2026, lawmakers have effectively tethered a vital reform to a host of political landmines.
Because this broader bill includes fiercely debated clauses on electronic result transmission and the shifting of election timelines, any disagreement on a single paragraph leads the Senate to "step down" the entire package, as witnessed just days ago on January 31.
This bundling serves as a convenient shield for those who benefit from the current state of impunity; they can claim to support the commission in principle while voting to delay the very bill that would give it life.
Beyond the halls of the National Assembly, a deeper constitutional conflict remains unaddressed. The massive powers of the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) under Section 174 of the 1999 Constitution to take over or discontinue any criminal proceeding create a structural glass ceiling for any independent prosecutor.
Without a constitutional amendment to ring-fence electoral offences from the AGF's "nolle prosequi" discretion, a new commission would essentially be a toothless tiger. This ministerial prerogative ensures that the "leash" remains firmly in the hands of the political class, allowing the chief law officer to stall the process of bringing corrupt officials or high-level election financiers to justice.
Finally, the delay in establishing the commission is less about "studying the bill" and more about an absence of political will to face the consequences of real accountability. A commission with the power to investigate the sources of N27 billion vehicle distributions or the sponsors of electoral violence would be a direct threat to the current architects of Nigerian politics.
Until the Senate unbundles the commission from the broader Electoral Act and grants it true constitutional independence, any talk of electoral reform remains a hollow exercise. Nigeria cannot afford another election cycle governed by laws that bark loudly but have no teeth to bite.
No comments:
Post a Comment