FirstBank's FMAP 3rd application round closes today - ITREALMS

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First Bank of Nigeria Limited, Nigeria’s premier and leading financial inclusion services provider has confirmed that its call for participation in the third season of its FirstBank Management Associate Programme (FMAP) would close today, Thursday, March 23, 2023, reports ITREALMS.

Interested participants, ITREALMS gathered, are required to submit their application.

Madonna students end debate, Mass Comm, Law others make final round

ITREALMS:

The second stage of the Madonna University (Okija campus) 2017/2018 Inter-departmental students debate has ended, with Mass Communication, Law, Philosophy and Accountancy departments qualifying for the final round of the exercise, reports ITRealms.

The last of the second stage of the competition ended Thursday, with Mass Communication department and Law faculty qualifying for the final round of the exercise, leaving behind English and Literary Studies and International Relations.

The first phase of the second round was held two weeks ago, wherein Philosophy and Accountancy departments emerged, also leaving behind two other departments.

Speaking earlier on the essence of the exercise, Coordinator of the Madonna University Debate competition, Dr. Tony Nkemakolam described it as a purely academic exercise, even as he urged the participants to imbibe the spirit of sportsmanship.

Adding his voice, Chaplain and Administrator of Madonna University, Okija campus, Rev. Father Francis Nwachukwu commended the decorum that characterized the exercise, while urging the students to see it as a challenge to develop their skills and intellect.

He however urged all to practice love for one another and imbibe discipline, even as he charged the students to take their studies very seriously to justify the huge investments on them by their parents. He further advised them to always be good ambassadors of the University wherever they find themselves.

In their separate speeches, Chairperson of the Madonna University Debate committee, Dr. (Mrs.) Uche Oboko and the University Orator, Mr. Charles Eze commended the students for what they described as their ‘can-do spirit’ and urged them not to relent.

They further charged the students to see the exercise as a friendly competition aimed at challenging their intellects, warning them not to see it as a do-or die affair.

The 2017/2018 phase of the competition commenced with seventeen (17) departments. At the end of Thursday’s round, only four of the departments qualified for the final stage of the exercise.

The topic of the second round of the debate was: “Taming the menace of corruption in Nigeria: my department, as the best panacea.”

The final round of the debate, with the topic: “Nigeria’s 2019 Presidential election: a candidate from my discipline, the hope of Nigeria’s advancement” shall hold on a date to be announced soon.

The law faculty was represented in the competition by: Tiku Ebam Okorinyen, Udolisa Chibuzor and Deborah Ngonadi; Philosophy department was represented by: Daniel Obi, Maurice Ugochukwu and Justin Obiesika; Accountancy department was represented by: Nancy Ejimole, Joy Anumba and Edmund Iwunze; while the department of Mass Communication was represented by three hot heads: Chinyere Linda Agbasiere, Adaeze Monday and Juliet Ogbozor.

Thursday’s event was attended by very important dignitaries, including Head of Exams and Records of Okija campus of the university, Rev. Father Tobias Ozioko, Acting Head of the Department of Mass Communication, Dr. Walter Duru, Head of Department of Economics, Dr. Theophilus Ugwoke, Professor (Mrs.) Bernadette Chukwuneke, head of the Panel of Judges, Stephen Kenechukwu and Timothy Onyejelem. Other members of the Panel are: Dr. Calistus Ogu and Dr. K.C. Obi. Thousands of undergraduate and graduate students of Okija campus of the university cheered their colleagues up in excitement, as the competition raged.

The highlights of the event were: musical, choral and drama presentations by highly talented students of the university.

Investigations revealed that the final round of the debate may be declared open by the Vice Chancellor of the University, Professor Chuks Ezedum.

It would be recalled that the 2016/2017 winners of the interdepartmental debate of the university were given automatic Scholarship by the University authorities, a development that may be responsible for the keen contest and seriousness shown by the debaters.

Uj. N. Dominic/GEE

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Before the next round

Commentary@ITRealms:

I am inviting our country’s popular-democratic forces, especially the Nigerian Left, to join me in looking back once again. We have to look as the Nigerian state and the various fractions, factions, groups and blocs of the ruling class now begin to take the country through another political turbulence that will end in a reconstitution of their political representation. It is this reconstitution of its “political class” that the ruling class calls election.

This opening clarification leads to an opening proposition, namely: that if the Nigerian Left consciously, responsibly and seriously adopts electoralism, it is only its participation in elections as a tangible, coherent and relatively independent political force that will begin to introduce real and unexpected contradictions in elections. A real contradiction in this context is a contradiction with both reformist and revolutionary potentials. And I say “relatively independent”, rather than “independent” in describing the popular-democratic forces’ electoral participation because I do not, ab initio, rule out the possibility of alliance which, if it is real, imposes limitations on the freedom of all sides in an alliance.

Historians of independent Nigeria’s electoral politics usually begin the narrative from the federal election of December 1959. This was the election which the history books say determined the power structure which British colonialism left behind as it withdrew from Nigeria on October 1, 1960. Between that election and now, 58 years later, Nigeria has had nine other federal or national elections: 1964, 1979, 1983, 1993, 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015. Leftists had participated in all the 10 elections. And, by Leftists I mean, broadly speaking, socialists as well as progressives and radical democrats who, even if they are not socialists, are not anti-socialist. The central question here is how Nigerian Leftists have so far participated in elections.

This central question may be put in context by locating each of the 10 federal or national elections in the political period it belongs. Nigeria’s First Republic is generally understood to be the period between October 1, 1960 and January 15, 1966, the date of the first military coup d’etat. This designation has come to stay although Nigeria did not become a republic until October 1, 1963, three years after independence. Only the 1964 election falls into the First Republic. Similarly, only the 1983 election falls under the Second Republic (October 1, 1979 – December 30, 1983). The Third Republic defined only by when it ended (November 17, 1993) and not when it started (when, please?) had no election within it.

The Fourth Republic, the current one, started on May 29, 1999. Four general elections have so far taken place in this period: 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015. The remaining four elections, that is, those of 1959, 1979, 1993 and 1999 do not belong to any of the four republics and may be called transition elections. The first of the four was conducted by the British colonialists while the other three were conducted by military regimes: General Olusegun Obasanjo (1979); General Ibrahim Babangida (1993) and General Abdulsalami Abubakar (1999).

Nigerian Leftists participated in the 1959 transition-from-colonialism election in one or more of four forms: as members of large and well-established ruling class parties; as members of small self-determination or radical-reformist parties; as members of small Leftist parties; or as independent candidates or supporters of independent candidates. The large ruling-class parties were the Northern People’s Congress (NPC) led by Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons (later, the National Council of Nigerian Citizens) (NCNC) led by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and the Action Group (AG) led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo. In the last decade of de-colonisation, that is, (1950-1960), these three parties, especially the AG and the NCNC, had received large numbers of young Leftists, including Marxists and labour activists, who had been dislodged from their independent formations by colonial repression. The Leftist entrants into the AG, with support and encouragement from Awolowo himself, transformed the party ideologically.

The small radical parties included the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) led by Mallam Aminu Kano and the self-determination parties included the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) led by Joseph Tarka. While NEPU was allied to the NCNC, UMBC was allied to the AG. Each alliance fielded a single slate of candidates. The small Leftist parties only participated in the election symbolically and for ideological and educational reasons.

In the 1964 federal election, the only federal election that took place in the First Republic, the 1959 forms of Left participation again appeared. By now the Leftist parties and groups had increased and enlarged. Beyond this, however, was a new development: a number of Leftist parties, including the Nigerian Labour Party (NLP), joined the AG and the NCNC in an alliance called the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA). This was a mega-alliance whose component members included NCNC, AG, NEPU, UMBC and NLP. The alliance survived the December 1964 election and the supplementary election of March 1965. It then went on to fight the very bloody October 1965 Western Regional Election. The mass uprising generated by the last election led directly to the January 15, 1966 military coup d’etat.

The 1979 general election was a transition election: transition from the 13-year military dictatorship (1966-1979) to the Second Republic (1979-1983). By then several things had changed: the country had moved from the parliamentary to the presidential system; parties now had to be officially permitted and registered to participate in the contest; only very rich parties or parties of very rich people could satisfy the conditions for registration; participation as independent candidates had been abolished; and elections had become much more corrupt than they were in the First Republic.

For the Nigerian Left, the 1979 general election marked a sharp and tragic turn in the trajectory of the country’s electoral politics. In the first place, the huge material/financial conditions placed on the registration of political parties almost automatically ruled out genuinely Leftist parties. In the second place, the elimination of independent candidacy placed a stiff choice before intending Leftist candidates and unregistered and unregistrable Leftist parties.

This choice can be put like this: “Abandon your electoral ambition or come and seek a chance in one of the registered and registrable parties”. In the third place, since the big registered parties knew that the unregistered leftist parties and candidates could not participate in elections without coming to them, they imposed tough conditions on collaboration. The main condition invariably was: “Withdraw publicly from your platform and publicly join us. But you must join us as individuals, not as groups”.

This situation may be summarized this way: From the 1979 general election onwards the genuinely Leftist parties could participate in electoral contests in Nigeria only by liquidating themselves as they were and as they presented themselves. It was then that history presented the silent revolutionary alternative: “But if you must still participate in Nigerian elections, then you must adopt, or rather, return to, dialectics.

That means: differentiate between form and content; or rather, while retaining the revolutionary content, adopt two forms – one for elections and the other for the permanent democratic struggle of the masses.”

This strategic change, if adopted, frees you to seek alliances. For accessible historical illustration: First, check China in the years between the Japanese invasion and the end of Second World War. The alliance in mind here was the one between the Chinese Leftists and the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang).

After this, turn to the post-Second World War history of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Island and check the alliance between the various wings of Irish nationalism.

For contemporary illustration, turn to South Africa and check the Tripartite Alliance between the African National Congress (ANC), the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Confederation of South African Trade Unions (COSATU).

*Contributed by Edwin Madunagu, mathematician and journalist, writes from Calabar, Cross River State.

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