Further notes to the Nigerian Left - ITREALMS

ITREALMS ... making leadership SENSE with digital news!

The Nigerian Left has largely neglected, if not deliberately avoided a renewed ideological struggle which has become a strong factor in both the general turbulence and violence enveloping the whole country and the associated power struggle within the ruling class. 

The neglected or badly engaged ideological struggle may simply be described as “argument over the birth of Nigeria,” that is, argument over how Nigeria came into being and what would have happened if Britain, an imperial colonial power, had not invaded our lands, defeated or deceived our ancestors, gathered them together and imposed itself on them. 

Before the next round

Commentary@ITRealms:

I am inviting our country’s popular-democratic forces, especially the Nigerian Left, to join me in looking back once again. We have to look as the Nigerian state and the various fractions, factions, groups and blocs of the ruling class now begin to take the country through another political turbulence that will end in a reconstitution of their political representation. It is this reconstitution of its “political class” that the ruling class calls election.

This opening clarification leads to an opening proposition, namely: that if the Nigerian Left consciously, responsibly and seriously adopts electoralism, it is only its participation in elections as a tangible, coherent and relatively independent political force that will begin to introduce real and unexpected contradictions in elections. A real contradiction in this context is a contradiction with both reformist and revolutionary potentials. And I say “relatively independent”, rather than “independent” in describing the popular-democratic forces’ electoral participation because I do not, ab initio, rule out the possibility of alliance which, if it is real, imposes limitations on the freedom of all sides in an alliance.

Historians of independent Nigeria’s electoral politics usually begin the narrative from the federal election of December 1959. This was the election which the history books say determined the power structure which British colonialism left behind as it withdrew from Nigeria on October 1, 1960. Between that election and now, 58 years later, Nigeria has had nine other federal or national elections: 1964, 1979, 1983, 1993, 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015. Leftists had participated in all the 10 elections. And, by Leftists I mean, broadly speaking, socialists as well as progressives and radical democrats who, even if they are not socialists, are not anti-socialist. The central question here is how Nigerian Leftists have so far participated in elections.

This central question may be put in context by locating each of the 10 federal or national elections in the political period it belongs. Nigeria’s First Republic is generally understood to be the period between October 1, 1960 and January 15, 1966, the date of the first military coup d’etat. This designation has come to stay although Nigeria did not become a republic until October 1, 1963, three years after independence. Only the 1964 election falls into the First Republic. Similarly, only the 1983 election falls under the Second Republic (October 1, 1979 – December 30, 1983). The Third Republic defined only by when it ended (November 17, 1993) and not when it started (when, please?) had no election within it.

The Fourth Republic, the current one, started on May 29, 1999. Four general elections have so far taken place in this period: 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015. The remaining four elections, that is, those of 1959, 1979, 1993 and 1999 do not belong to any of the four republics and may be called transition elections. The first of the four was conducted by the British colonialists while the other three were conducted by military regimes: General Olusegun Obasanjo (1979); General Ibrahim Babangida (1993) and General Abdulsalami Abubakar (1999).

Nigerian Leftists participated in the 1959 transition-from-colonialism election in one or more of four forms: as members of large and well-established ruling class parties; as members of small self-determination or radical-reformist parties; as members of small Leftist parties; or as independent candidates or supporters of independent candidates. The large ruling-class parties were the Northern People’s Congress (NPC) led by Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons (later, the National Council of Nigerian Citizens) (NCNC) led by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and the Action Group (AG) led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo. In the last decade of de-colonisation, that is, (1950-1960), these three parties, especially the AG and the NCNC, had received large numbers of young Leftists, including Marxists and labour activists, who had been dislodged from their independent formations by colonial repression. The Leftist entrants into the AG, with support and encouragement from Awolowo himself, transformed the party ideologically.

The small radical parties included the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) led by Mallam Aminu Kano and the self-determination parties included the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) led by Joseph Tarka. While NEPU was allied to the NCNC, UMBC was allied to the AG. Each alliance fielded a single slate of candidates. The small Leftist parties only participated in the election symbolically and for ideological and educational reasons.

In the 1964 federal election, the only federal election that took place in the First Republic, the 1959 forms of Left participation again appeared. By now the Leftist parties and groups had increased and enlarged. Beyond this, however, was a new development: a number of Leftist parties, including the Nigerian Labour Party (NLP), joined the AG and the NCNC in an alliance called the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA). This was a mega-alliance whose component members included NCNC, AG, NEPU, UMBC and NLP. The alliance survived the December 1964 election and the supplementary election of March 1965. It then went on to fight the very bloody October 1965 Western Regional Election. The mass uprising generated by the last election led directly to the January 15, 1966 military coup d’etat.

The 1979 general election was a transition election: transition from the 13-year military dictatorship (1966-1979) to the Second Republic (1979-1983). By then several things had changed: the country had moved from the parliamentary to the presidential system; parties now had to be officially permitted and registered to participate in the contest; only very rich parties or parties of very rich people could satisfy the conditions for registration; participation as independent candidates had been abolished; and elections had become much more corrupt than they were in the First Republic.

For the Nigerian Left, the 1979 general election marked a sharp and tragic turn in the trajectory of the country’s electoral politics. In the first place, the huge material/financial conditions placed on the registration of political parties almost automatically ruled out genuinely Leftist parties. In the second place, the elimination of independent candidacy placed a stiff choice before intending Leftist candidates and unregistered and unregistrable Leftist parties.

This choice can be put like this: “Abandon your electoral ambition or come and seek a chance in one of the registered and registrable parties”. In the third place, since the big registered parties knew that the unregistered leftist parties and candidates could not participate in elections without coming to them, they imposed tough conditions on collaboration. The main condition invariably was: “Withdraw publicly from your platform and publicly join us. But you must join us as individuals, not as groups”.

This situation may be summarized this way: From the 1979 general election onwards the genuinely Leftist parties could participate in electoral contests in Nigeria only by liquidating themselves as they were and as they presented themselves. It was then that history presented the silent revolutionary alternative: “But if you must still participate in Nigerian elections, then you must adopt, or rather, return to, dialectics.

That means: differentiate between form and content; or rather, while retaining the revolutionary content, adopt two forms – one for elections and the other for the permanent democratic struggle of the masses.”

This strategic change, if adopted, frees you to seek alliances. For accessible historical illustration: First, check China in the years between the Japanese invasion and the end of Second World War. The alliance in mind here was the one between the Chinese Leftists and the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang).

After this, turn to the post-Second World War history of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Island and check the alliance between the various wings of Irish nationalism.

For contemporary illustration, turn to South Africa and check the Tripartite Alliance between the African National Congress (ANC), the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Confederation of South African Trade Unions (COSATU).

*Contributed by Edwin Madunagu, mathematician and journalist, writes from Calabar, Cross River State.

ITREALMS ... everything news digitally!

Used laptop: Father petitions IGP over murder of son, Douglas Ojugbo, … Fingers Elewana & DPO

ITRealms:

NB:Viewers caution on pix

The Inspector General of Police (IGP) Mr. Suleiman Abba has been petitioned by the solicitors led by Chief Kanu Godwin Agabi (SAN) over the alleged murder of a 22-year old boy, Douglas Ojugbo, by one Mr. Elewana Godwin of River Basin Authority, 8 Miles Calabar, Cross River State capital, for visiting his daughter, reports ITRealms.

The incident reportedly occurred on March 10, 2015, according to eyewitness account.

A copy of the petition of which were made available to ITRealms was signed by Chidi Goodluck Moses, a Legal Practitioner, on behalf of Barrister Oga Augustine Ojugbo, a solicitor with Kanu Godwin Agabi chambers, shows that the deceased is known to neighbors as a friend of the man's daughter, who sold his mini-laptop to her but returned to collect the balance of his money when he met the untimely death. 

A neighborur who spoke on anonymity had alleged that Mr. Elewana is a very dangerous man who in recent years has shot two other people to death.

“The girl’s father had warned the small boy not to come near the daughter again. That is what we were made to understand but the two of them could not leave themselves, and we hear that it is because of that that the man decided to kill the boy.

“On that fateful evening, we saw the man running after the boy who was panting and running but the man caught up with him around the basin authority gate in front of security personnel attached to the estate shooting him in the process. After shooting him, he dragged him into his car and drove off. All of us were running for our dear lives because like I said that man is dangerous and everyone around know him for that,” the eye witness said.

Further investigations, revealed that Mr. Elewana shot Douglas in the arm and later gave him another shot in the leg and allowed the boy to bleed to death after bundling him into the car and drove the corpse to the Federal Housing Police station in Calabar, Cross River State.

Authorities in the Federal Housing Police Station in Calabar were reluctant to speak on the issue, claiming that it has shaken the police personnel in the station terribly. A police officer in the station said that they cannot say exactly what transpired between the DPO and Mr. Elewana when the DPO ordered that the corpse of 22 year old Douglas which was driven into the station by Mr. Elewana around to 5pm, be buried in a hurry by 8pm at Goldie Cemetry without any autopsy or investigation and without verifying the parents of the deceased.

A close family member, also disclosed that it was on the March 12, 2015, after frantic search by parents and family members that Douglas parents got wind that their son had been shot and driven to the Federal Housing Police Station. On getting to the police station, the bereaved parents were not only shocked to hear their son’s corpse has been buried without their consent, the DPO also coerced the father into signing an undertaking not to let anybody hear what happened nor make any complaint to any authority whatsoever.

But the bereaved father, Mr. Oga Augustine Ojugbo, a lawyer with Kanu G. Agabi & Associates, said he later found that absurd and has since petitioned the Assistant Inspector General of Police in charge of Zone 6, Calabar and the National Human Rights Commission to investigate the cause of his son’s death and bring those who killed the son to justice.

In his petition written, a copy of which is attached to this report, Barrister Ojugbo refuted claims that the son was having an affair with Mr. Elewana’s daughter. He said the son had sold his mini laptop to Mr. Elewana’s daughter who made part payment and it was the balance the son went to collect when he met his untimely death.

“The late Mr. Douglas Oga Augustine Ojugbo is my son, he is 22 years old. Sometimes this year, my son sold his used mini laptop to the daughter of Mr. Elewana Godwin who leaves with him at his River Basin Authority home. Mr. Elewana’s daughter (name is unknown to me at the moment), made a part payment of the agreed sum leaving balance.

“My son in a bid to collect or recover the balance of his money has been visiting the home of Mr. Elewana until he ran into Mr. Elewana on his previous visits. Mr. Elewana not pleased with the boy’s presence inquired or demanded to know what he was doing in his house. My son tried to explain to Mr. Elewana of his transaction with his daughter. Mr. Elewana without any effort to verify the boy’s story asked him to leave his house and warned him never to visit his house again.

“My son was about leaving when Mr. Elewana’s daughter cornered him and asked him to come on the 10th of March and collect the balance of his money. On that faithful day, 10th of March, 2015 my son went to Mr. Elewana’s house hoping to see his daughter as they agreed but unfortunately he saw Mr. Elewana.

“Mr. Elewana upon sighting Douglas, my son ran into his room and fetched his gun, late Douglas my son upon sighting Mr. Elewana with a gun took to his heels to save his life. However, Mr. Elewana having made up his mind to kill my son, pursued him until he caught up with late Douglas at the gate of Basin Authority, a distance of a kilometer from his house where he shot my son first on the leg as a result of which the late Douglas fell down and to accomplish his goal, Mr. Elewana shot him the second time on the arm to make sure that my son is dead.

“Furthermore, Mr. Elewana haven accomplished his goal bundled the body of the late Douglas into his car and took same to the Divisional Police Officer, DPO Federal Housing Police station. Mr. Elewana Godwin conspired with the DPO Federal Housing Police station, Calabar Supol Mike Ezenwenrem to get rid of the body of Mr. Douglas in order to conceal his death. In furtherance of this agreement the Divisional Police Officer Federal Housing police station and Mr. Elewana hurriedly went and buried the body of the late Douglas in the night of 10th March at the Goldie cemetery, Calabar," part of the petition read.

Barrister Ojugbo added that the action of the DPO has cast aspersions on the integrity of the police officer and left one in utter astonishment as to what must have motivated the DPO to lean towards abating such heinous crime.

“It is my opinion that this callous act of murder and hurried burial cannot be swept under the carpet in other not to allow or encourage other blood thirsty vampires’ feast on innocent souls.

“I strongly believe that the Commission is the proper body I should complain to. I therefore call on the Commission to take whatever action within the confines of the law with the view of ensuring that justice is not only done but seen to be done to my family”.

The DPO of the federal housing police station has continued to shield Mr. Elewana, from arrest and the alleged murderer still walks free in Cross River State.

 

ITREALMS ... delivering news for development