Should negative externalities of digital platforms be taxed - ITREALMS

Commentary@ITREALMS ... making leadership SENSE with digital news!


Talk to any peacebuilder trying to disseminate an alternative, complex narrative about a conflict, and they’ll tell you a version of the same thing: the odds are stacked against peace on social media platforms. It’s always been an uphill battle, but these days it feels like there’s no countering the digitally amplified hate and division.

You don’t even have to be a peacebuilder: this message probably resonates intuitively. We all know online toxicity is a problem. So what would it take to unstack these odds? Over the past months, I’ve been doing some thinking about this question as part of Ashoka’s Next Now initiative. The result is this paper, which in essence argues that online polarization should be seen as a negative externality of surveillance capitalism, just like carbon is a negative externality of industrial capitalism — and as such, it should be taxed.

2013: 12 things every public relations professional in corporate sector should do - ITREALMS

Commentary@ITREALMS ... making leadership SENSE with digital news!

The saying, “Inch by inch, life's a cinch" is one for all seasons. As you go about your job as a public relations practitioner in a corporate organisation this year, you will do well to bear it in mind, always. You make progress in little steps.

This year, like all others, has 12 months. I have written out 12 things, you can do this year to be better at your job.

What you should know about Peter OBI - ITREALMS

ITREALMS ... making leadership SENSE with digital news!

Very sure every Nigerian of a voting age must have heard about Mr. Peter Gregory OBI, (CON) who was born on 19th July, 1961 at Onitsha, Anambra State, Nigeria.

A Nigerian to the core, Peter Obi is married with two children. He attended the popular Christ the King College also known as CKC Onitsha where he obtained his West African School Certificate (WASC). From CKC, he went to the University of Nigeria, Nsukka to obtain B.A. in Philosophy.

He is widely read and has since acquired more knowledge having attended the Chief Executive Programme of the Lagos Business School, Nigeria; Harvard Business School, Boston, U.S.A. on Mid-to-Mid Marketing; Harvard Business School, Boston, U.S.A. on Changing the Game; London School of Economics on Financial Management/Business Policy; Columbia Business School, New York, U.S.A. on Marketing Management; and · Institute for Management Development, Switzerland for the Senior Executive Programme.

What you should know about Dr Tarek Kamel - ITREALMS

Personality@ITREALMS: 

Dr. Tarek Kamel was born on May 8, 1962 and died on Thursday, October 10, 2019. As African Internet community mourn his exit at the age of 57, there are some facts worthy of note, reports ITREALMS.

Tarek as he is fondly called, started his career as a network support engineer for the Academy of Scientific Research and Technology, then an assistant researcher at the Electronics Research Institute.

On returning to Egypt from Germany, Kamel became manager of the Communications and Networking Department at the Cabinet Information and Decision Support Centre (IDSC/RITSEC), and gained a professorship at the ERI. It is during this period (from 1992 to 1999) that he established Egypt's first connection to the Internet, steered the introduction of commercial Internet services in Egypt and founded the Internet Society of Egypt.

Also, Kamel joined the ministry of communications and information technology since its formation in October 1999, where he had been appointed senior advisor to the minister following his pioneering efforts in ICT. He was board member of Telecom Egypt from 2000 to 2004 and a board member of Egypt’s Private Public Technology Development Fund (TDF) to support start ups and incubators in ICT from 2002 to 2004.

Kamel served as the minister of communications and information technology from July 2004 to February 2011.

Besides his ministerial role, Kamel was the chairman of the National Telecom Regulatory Authority (NTRA), the Information Technology Industry Development Agency (ITIDA), the National Telecommunication Institute (NTI) and the Information Technology Institute’s (ITI) Boards of Trustees.

Kamel served as a member of the Internet Society (ISOC) Board of Trustees and as vice president for chapters from 1999 to 2002. He is a founding member and a previous board member of the African Network Information Centre (AfriNIC). He acted as Chairman of the Executive Bureau of Arab Telecommunications and Information Council of Ministers from 2004 to 2008 and the Chairman of the Ministerial Conference on Communication and Information Technologies of the African Union from 2006 to 2008. In recognition of his leadership in the ICT sector, the South African Ministry of Communications named him, in 2005, "Top Minister in Africa with an ICT Portfolio".

In August 2012 ICANN appointed Kamel to serve as a senior advisor to its president, making him the first national of a developing country to fill one of ICANN's senior management posts. Prior to joining ICANN, he was a board member of the National Telecom Regulatory Authority of Egypt from April 2011 to July 2012.

May Tarek rest in perfect peace.

*ITREALMS with additional report from Wikipedia.com.

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How should Nigerian Leftists vote? - ITREALMS

WeekendCommentary@ITREALMS:

We begin with a proposition which may be framed this way: “The question as to how Nigerian Leftists should vote in the 2019 general elections will not arise if there are in existence, and participating in the elections, political parties that are serious, clearly Leftist, ideologically anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist and categorical on each of the burning questions before the Nigerian people, before the country, and before the nation”.

The proposition is enclosed in quotation marks—though it is new and comes from me—merely to indicate that it is fundamental at this critical point in Nigeria’s political history. My main references here are my published essays in the last 12 months on the need and the possibility of a resurgence of the Nigerian Left.

Our first task here is to try to explain some of the key terms of our proposition which, though loaded in form, is actually very simple and straight forward given the references I have just cited. This first task will be followed by an explanatory note on the proposition as a whole.

To appreciate what I mean by “seriousness” in the context of our discussion it is sufficient to look at the recently published lists of the country’s officially-recognised political parties and presidential candidates. Each list carries about 60 names. I describe most of these parties and candidates as “unserious” not because they are not committed to whatever causes they profess but because after “weighing” themselves against reality, they decided to ignore a host of modest, realistic, effective and rewarding modes and forms of electoral struggle and chose to dissipate their energy in forming legally-registerable political parties and presenting their own candidates for the coming presidential, legislative and governorship contests. If this position is correct in general, it is more correct for Leftist formations that desire not just a change of government but a change of social order.

There are three other terms that require explanatory notes: ideological condition of being “clearly Leftist”; concreteness, definitiveness and clarity of manifesto; and “ideologically anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist”. The first can be summarized as commitment to the massive redeployment and redistribution of the nation’s resources to the working and toiling masses, the poor and the “rejects of life”; the second is “the people’s manifesto” which has been one of the central elements of my campaign and has virtually been presented in my published essays of the past 12 months; and the third is the requirement that the general character, proclamation and “body language”— if not programme content—of political Leftism in Nigeria of 2018 should be anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist.

With this extensive “glossary” at the back of our minds what our central proposition is saying may be broken down as follows: If there are, in existence, Leftist formations which satisfy the elementary general conditions that are embodied in the proposition, we ought to simply urge Nigerian Leftists to vote for them and their candidates where practically possible. If there are more than one formation in this category competing for a particular position, then Leftists should apply further (revolutionary) criteria to make a choice.

If, however, there is no Leftist formation satisfying the elementary general condition—which means that Nigerian Leftists and the popular masses are facing non-Leftist parties of varying sizes, strengths and colorations—Leftists may apply the two age-long dialectical criteria of choice which may here be framed as questions: Under what possible regime will the Nigerian Left be most able to grow stronger as an independent movement? And under what possible regime will the popular masses achieve wider and deeper freedoms and greater material and spiritual well-being?

For the avoidance of doubt, and for emphasis, the second criterion may be broken down into: One: Massive redeployment and redistribution of resources to the popular masses in a way that leads to rapid, radical, substantial and measurable amelioration of the present harsh conditions under which the popular masses live and reproduce their lives. Two: Introduction of a new structure of power and governance which will enhance people’s power and popular democracy. This new structure is conceived by factions of the ruling class as fiscal federalism, devolution of power or geopolitical restructuring. But I have conceived and presented it as “restructuring under popular democracy” or “popular-democratic restructuring.” Three: Democratization of the state. (Here it is important to note that what we are employing is the language of “electoral struggle” and not that of “call to arms”!).

The attributes which we have, in this piece, prescribed to Nigerian Leftists as minimum general conditions for the adoption of a political party for voting purposes are abstractions from elements of a draft platform (people’s manifesto) which we had earlier—in a series of published essays over the last 12 months—prescribed for the establishment of a strongly-rooted and substantial organization of the Nigerian Left, or a Leftist “organization of a new type”.

The main difference is that we are not, and should not be imposing, too rigorous conditions on the strategy, tactics, methods and internal regime of a political party if we are only considering it for voting purposes and not for membership. It is because this new organization of the Left—signaling a resurgence—has not emerged that we are proposing conditions for adopting (existing) Leftist or non-Leftist parties for voting purposes. When the organization of our expectation emerges the debate of what parties to adopt or vote for ceases and direct struggle for power genuinely begins.

In an essay entitled In this 20^th year of “democracy” and published on June 13, 2018, I proposed a scenario for the emergence of a Leftist “organization of a new type.” I re-present the relevant segment: “A small ad-hoc group of Nigerian Leftists—from the ranks of revolutionary Marxists—should volunteer and select themselves and assume the revolutionary responsibility of convening an all-Nigeria “unity meeting” of Leftists (Marxists, socialists and radical democrats). The ad-hoc group should present the following to the meeting: a draft people’s manifesto, a draft memorandum on participation in electoral politics, a draft newsletter, a provisional coordinating and documentation centre, a draft “unifying name” and a draft programme and structure”. Every other thing will follow from that meeting.

In the absence of this “organization of a new type”, how do we advise the masses (that is, beyond hard-core Leftists) as the campaigns begin? In the first place, political sense dictates that we advise and encourage the masses to exercise their right to vote. In the second place, the irreducible need for political consistency and credibility dictates that we popularize the conditions we have prescribed to the Leftists. But in doing this we also need to reduce the insistence. For the masses are not being mobilized for a national examination or war of survival! The range of choices before the masses—in the absence of Leftist intervention—eloquently says so. Only for Leftists is it imperative to apprehend the possible dynamics of the current situation in the country. And this situation goes beyond campaigns for the 2019 elections.

To conclude: In my piece, Differences in the Nigerian Left of October 4, 2018, I acknowledged that major and minor differences do exist and have existed for long in the movement. This is an objective fact of history. I also know that a new organization of the Nigerian Left which hopefully will emerge on the platform we have been articulating will not embrace all tendencies and all formations in the movement. The hope, however, is that if the resurgence project is pursued with seriousness, honesty and dedication, the emerging formation will pull together most of the virile and truly Leftist formations and individuals in the Nigerian Left. Only then will the struggle enter a new phase.

*Contributed by Edwin Madunagu, mathematician and journalist, writes from Calabar, Cross River State, Nigeria.

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Biometric 101: What you should know

Talking Biometrics@ITREALMS:

This is our maiden edition of Talking Biometrics – a weekly online biometric education resource featuring valuable awareness on biometric identification and verification systems, with a focus on data protection, system security and efficiency. So, keep a date with us!

Introduction to Biometric Authentication Systems (BAS):

In this edition we introduce biometrics as one of many forms of authenticating a system user. We give emphasis to benefits of biometric technologies and highlight areas of global industrial use.

Types of Authentication:

Accessing information systems requires a means of confirming the claimed identity of the user. Any adopted means of verifying the identity of a system user is known as authentication. Authentication verifies that the person seeking access is indeed whom he claims to be. This process of authentication can be accomplished by any of three modes:

1.    Memory-based authentication: This requires the user to produce a memorized item (what the user knows). Examples include password, PIN number, memorized code, passphrase, etc. Unfortunately passwords can be shared, forgotten, compromised or stolen.

2.    Possession-based authentication: Here the user is required to produce a tangible item, or physical object (what the user has), as a confirmation of his claimed identity. Examples include proximity card, badge (Id Card), debit card, or other forms of tokens. Physical objects used for authentication have the disadvantage of being easily forged, stolen, misplaced or damaged.

3.    Nature-based authentication: Natural attributes used for authentication involve the use of certain human physiologies or behaviours as a means of authentication (what the user is). Examples include fingerprint, voice print, iris pattern, signature pattern, keyboard dynamics, gait, etc. These human physiological or behavioural attributes possess natural characteristics and properties that are unique, not easily damaged; and difficult to share or steal. They are collectively called biometrics. Digital systems that make use of biometric characteristics for identity verification are also called biometric systems, or more specifically Biometric Authentication Systems (BAS).

Advantages of Biometrics:

Biometric systems exhibit special advantages over tradition password and token-based authentication systems because they could not be shared, borrowed, reused, forgotten or easily circumvented.

Eg eyeballs cannot be forgotten in the shower or elsewhere, fingers cannot be borrowed or shared among friends, voice cannot be stolen. These benefits make biometrics a preferred option for secure authentication.

However, biometric authentication can be expensive to deploy and maintain depending on many factors such as area of deployment, type and choice of biometric system, additional features, among others.

Applications of Biometrics:

Biometric systems find great use in many areas:

·         Time and attendance systems:

Biometric systems are used to regulate and track entrance and exit into corporate premises, for example offices, shopping malls, schools, to name a few.

·         Access control:

Biometric authentication is used to control access into sensitive and protected facilities where maximum security is required, for instance, military facilities, nuclear facilities, airports, stadia, train station, among others.

·         Border and immigration management

Biometric technology facilitates efficient management of immigrants at land, air and sea borders.

·         Crime investigation

Biometrics finds great use in forensic examination in crime and disaster management, eg FBI’s cross-matching of fingerprints in Automatic Fingerprint Identification System (AFIS).

·         Civic registration and identity systems

Management of national identities is made possible by capturing citizens’ biometrics into a single or replicated database for several purposes including monitoring the demographics of birth and death rates, controlled allocation of benefits, etc.

·         Identity and Access Management (IAM)

IAM systems use biometric authentication to ensure that the right users access the right resources at the right time and for the right reasons. IAM is a major component of biometric-based eGovernment automated systems such as the Electronic Document management System (EDMS).

·         Electoral system

Biometrics find usefulness in the registration of credible voters to curb multiple voting, under aged voters, and avoidable disenfranchisement, etc.

·         Passport management

Biometrics has been adopted as a modern means binding travel passports with their owners and the data contained therein, hence biometric passports are universally usable across global borders.

·         Healthcare management

Biometrics finds great use in healthcare management systems where the biometric data of healthcare beneficiaries are captured, processed and stored in secure databases and later used to verify their identities at the points of care in hospitals and other healthcare facilities.

About the columnist:

Kenneth Okereafor is an accomplished ICT professional and Cybersecurity expert with over 20 years experience in Enterprise ICT innovation management in private and public sector computing. He holds dual PhD Degrees in Computer Science (Cybersecurity) and Management (ICT Administration and Governance) with a first class Electronic & Telecommunications Engineering background. He is a United Nations trained Network Security Specialist and is proficient in Network Optimization, Data Protection, Biometric Systems and Digital Forensics. Kenneth has published many works, contributed to several national ICT assignments and participated at many international technology conferences. He has strong research interests in Cloud Security and Green Computing, and may be reached at nitelken@yahoo.com 

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2019 ticket: Asiwaju insists, APC should not mimic PDP

ITREALMS:

The All Progressives Congress (APC) National Leader, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, has reiterated his earlier call that the party should not mimic the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in nomination and choice of presidential flagbearer come 2019, reports ITRealms.

Making this clarification on the reported misrepresentation attributed to him by Imo State Governor Rochas Okorocha, Asiwaju said he never underrated the importance of governors in the party’s nomination process and explained that what he said in that encounter with journalists in Akure “and still canvasses is that the APC should not mimic the PDP’s penchant for short-circuiting internal democracy by promoting the idea of an automatic ticket.”

Governor Okorocha had said that all the APC Governors had endorsed President Buhari for re-election, thus implying the governors had given the president an automatic ticket for 2019.

Responding to the issue after a meeting with Afenifere Leader, Pa Fasoranti in Akure, Asiwaju Tinubu said such was strange to the party and that President Buhari is a man who believes in due process.

The Imo State Governor, however, interpreted that to mean a slight on the party’s governors. Speaking with journalists in the same Akure after he received an honourary doctorate degree at the Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba-Akoko, Ondo State on Saturday, he said his own statement referred to the party’s governors and that Asiwaju was crying more than the bereaved.

Clarifying Asiwaju’s statement in a press statement last night in Lagos, his Media Adviser, Mr. Tunde Rahman, said: “We note Imo State Governor Rochas Okorocha’s statement. It is important that the record of what Asiwaju Tinubu said when approached by journalists during his last visit to Akure is accurate. Thus, I make this statement in the hope of clarifying a misinterpretation that seems to have taken hold in some quarters.

“I was at the interview session.  Asiwaju never said anything that could be interpreted as meaning or even implying the governors are irrelevant or insignificant to the party’s nomination process. As a former governor and a leading statesman within the party, such words would never come from him.

Moreover, Asiwaju is a democrat who believes that the open and democratic processes of the APC, which led to the nomination of President Buhari in the first instance, have served the party well and has helped distinguish APC from PDP and other parties where fairness and internal democracy are rare commodities.

“Every individual has a right to endorse or support a candidate of his choosing. What Asiwaju said at that encounter and still canvasses is that the APCshould not mimic the PDP’s penchant for short-circuiting internal democracy by promoting the idea of an automatic ticket. The exercise of internal democracy and honoring the letter and spirit of party rules can only strengthen the party and enthuse its members. 

“APC’s all-inclusive philosophy was not devised today. It had been with the party since its creation.

It was this spirit, which we believe, attracted fellow progressives and those who genuinely believe in democracy in all of its aspects to the party. Asiwaju includes Governor Okorocha in this group.

“The APC Governors are essential and important voices in the party. Asiwaju values and respects each one of them and gives their individual and collective opinions much weight. Yet, in the exercise of our opinions and support for candidates, we all must be guided and never lose clear sight to the democratic ideals that separate the APC from the other parties. We must maintain the integrity of the processes no matter how clear-cut a decision or an outcome may seem to be. With regard to democracy, the process is of equal import as the outcome itself.

“This is the essence of what Asiwaju said that day in Akure. He merely asked APC members to adhere to the democratic path that thus far has served the party so well. There can be no true dispute with such a sentiment”.

Ayo Midele/GEE

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5 things Nigerian men should not wear while travelling

Fashion commentary@ITRealms:

A majority of Nigerian men like to feel comfortable while embarking on a trip and that is quite understandable. However, there are some clothing items that should certainly be a no-no no matter what.  While we at Jumia Travel are not trying to dictate what Nigerian men should  or shouldn’t wear. Here is a list of 5 things they should definitely not consider putting on.

Photo by Fuzzy Gerdes

Toe shoes

Really? Why would anyone even want to wear this to anywhere? Why would anyone think it is so critical that they show off their toes to the world? Toe shoes, minimalist running shoes with separated toes, are intended to support barefoot-style running, they are not fashion shoes and should not be worn while travelling or doing anything else really.

Boot-cut/flared jeans

No matter how old-fashioned a man you are, you should endeavour to at least stay a little stylish and go with the trends. No doubt boot-cut or flared jeans could be great for freeing up your legs and letting air in while travelling, but really, they should be left in 2003 where they belong.

Photo by James Kieran Nguyen

Team Jersey

You love your team and you would possibly even give your life defending it. That is great, but you do not have to wear your team jersey while travelling. Nigerian men do this a lot and it is not very attractive. Actually, wearing a team jersey could even get you into trouble if you are heading to a location where your team is abhorred.

Mesh Basketball Shorts

Photo by Wikipedia.org

Basketball is not as huge as football in Nigeria, yet the men in the country seem to have an obsession for the mesh basketball shorts. And the thing is, they love to wear them when they are not playing basketball. Travelling while wearing a mesh short may seem like a good idea especially if the weather is hot and you are travelling by road maybe, but it is far from appealing and gives off a lousy vibe.

Big Studded belt

Basically, big studded belts are an eyesore that should not be tolerated under any circumstances…even if you are a celebrity. Again, it could add unnecessary bling to your entire outfit and attract petty thieves to you.

Contributed by Nkem Ndem, a PR Associate at Jumia Travel

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Budget padding scandal: No-one should be a judge in his own cause

Commenary@ITRealms:

Very few Nigerians will be amazed by the way the House of Representatives handled the allegations of budget padding and abuse of office which Abdulmumin Jibrin, former Chair on Appropriation, levelled against a fraction of the House leadership including the Speaker, Yakubu Dogara, Deputy Speaker, Yusuf Lasun, Minority Leader, Leo Ogor, Chief Whip, Alhassan Ado Doguwa, as well as 10 other members of the House. To ensure that the issue remains on the plate, Jibrin has been consistent in issuing statements through both the traditional and new media which clearly identify Dogara, Lasun, Ogor and Doguwa as the main targets of his charge. And to press the point, he rightly labeled the clique the QUARTET. 

  

But even in this atmosphere of suffocating change, nothing seems to have changed in the National Assembly, at least not in the House of Reps. Instead of investigating his allegations, the House in its typical, ever-evolving Machiavellian antics that the Nigerian populace has witnessed since the beginning of the Fourth Republic, presented a dubious resolution summoning Jibrin, himself the hunter as Professor Olatunji Dare, the ace satirist, would have characteristically put it, to appear before an ethics and privileges committee. Talk of the hunter being hunted. It’s as if there are no more people with conscience in the green chamber.

And the “honourables” scheming to nail Jibrin at all cost executed their act with a well-choreographed carnival-like fanfare, prancing about the floor without shame, hugging and back-slapping, each brandishing green scarves with the inscription: I Stand with Dogara. In the end, what ought to be a solemn occasion for demanding answers to the issues raised by Jibrin in the interest of public good, was turned into a grand spectacle of pure self-service and reckless endorsement of corruption.

Though originally well-spoken of by the public, the lawmakers by determinedly choosing the option of closing their eyes to the accused and turning the heat on the accuser shot themselves in the foot. That ugly display on the floor of the House has further reduced their worth in the eyes of the people.

And Dogara should know better. An experienced lawyer that he is, the Speaker knows the meaning of the well-worn Latin phrase deployed in the second leg of the title of this piece. Translated in English it means that, “No one should be a judge in his own cause.”  It’s a legal principle that forbids any person from assuming the role of a judge in a case in which he/she has an interest. In this particular case of budget padding and corruption in the House, Dogara, the Speaker of the House is one of the accused persons; to that extent, he is an interested party.

If the House must then investigate as it should the allegations against him and others, the logical step to take is for him to step down from his position as Speaker and allow for a colleague to be elected as Speaker for the purpose of presiding over the investigation. If at the end of investigation he is acquitted he returns to his seat as Speaker. It’s such a simple process that anyone who is not aiming at covering up would easily accede to in order to preserve honour and integrity. But by refusing to step down and subject himself to investigation, the Speaker leaves one with no other option than to deduce that he has something to hide or, at best, that he is indeed guilty of the allegations against him.

Anyone would be forgiven for drawing this conclusion, given the desperation with which Dogara exploited his position as Speaker to finagle a resolution of the House glossing over the budget fraud and corruption allegations involving him, and instead recommending his accuser for a most ridiculous trial for all kinds reasons including “campaign of calumny and infringing on the integrity of the House as an institution.”

But rather than denigrate the House of which he is a proud member as claimed by his traducers, the former chairman of appropriation merely stated the facts. And countless times he has challenged any member of the House who has evidence of malfeasance, corruption or abuse of office involving him to make them public. Up till the time of writing this piece, no one has picked up the gauntlet. 

In fact, the Speaker being one of the accused worsened his case with the clear violation of a sacred legal maxim through that House resolution presided over by him, and directing his accuser to appear before an ethics and privileges committee made up of members appointed by him. There can be no better example of sitting as a judge in your own cause. This is against the principle of natural justice, equity and good conscience.   

Besides, there is no way Jibrin will not be found guilty if he appears before the committee headed by Nicholas Ossai, who on July 26 told Premium Times that it was wrong for Jibrin to claim that the 2016 budget was “padded.” According to the report, Ossai said the budget was only “amended.” He was also quoted as saying, “In legislature, you don’t talk about padding. Budget is an appropriation bill and is like other bills that you amend. You know in bills you talk about clauses. Every head in the budget is a clause. So, legislators have power to amend it.” How would he now get justice before a man who has made this one-sided statement?

Still, this country has Jibrin to thank for his unprecedented revelations. Now, the depth of the rot in the House of Reps is in the open. Rather than applaud and encourage those working to crucify him, it will serve this country well to focus on his message and squeeze adjustments from it. It is the way to go if Nigeria is serious about entrenching transparency and accountability in public governance.

*Godwin Onyeacholem is a journalist. He can be reached on gonyeacholem@gmail.com

 

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